‘What kind of a linguistic or legal wunderkund could formulate a peace treaty and good neighbourliness between a palace and a shack, between a guard and a prisoner?’[1]

This paper looks at apartheid in Palestine and South Africa to demonstrate that the same logics that underpin Zionism is an extension of European colonialism, which (looking at this through the apartheid framework and settler-colonialism) attempts to demonstrate how Zionism operates on racial segregation, racial capitalism, and imperialism.

South Africa (SA) offers a test model for what would happen in a one-state solution, as its history of apartheid can be likened to Palestinian reality. Even though these struggles are subject to their own geo-political context and should not be simplified, Edward Said’s statement holds resounding truth: there are a lot of similarities between the experiences of Arab Palestinians by Zionism and other African and Asian people who were relegated to subhuman and inferior by European colonialism[2]. This is not a coincidence, but the engineering of colonisation to function as Zionism. Both settler-colonial societies had the same oppressor, as it was white supremacy that shaped it. There is a lot to note from the outcome of the ‘post-apartheid’ era which brings into question the democracy in SA after apartheid— social and economic freedom has yet to be attained for a large black majority, even being likened to the term ‘neo-apartheid’[3]. I suggest that perhaps the downfalls of SA’s democracy can be taken into consideration in the fight for Palestinian liberation.

Since those on the margins of society exist outside of the linear space-time narrative (tied to modernity, progress and advancement and do not occur simultaneously with hegemonic imperial society or western progress), one can locate the same system of subjugation in various colonised nations. In this way one colonised nation can contain the geography of another. There is and has been a shared geography of liberation or intercommunal horizon of resistance[4]between the Palestinians and anti-colonial resistance movements. I will conclude to show how Afro-Arab solidarity that transcends borders is necessary and an urgent call for anti-colonial resistance and third world internationalism.

As Said has mentioned, it was the same era in which antisemitism and European colonisation existed, and there are Zionists who were once oppressed by a system of white supremacy and subjugation who have and internalised this oppression to become oppressors: it supposes that the remedy to antisemitism is the nationalisation of Judaism to create an exclusive state, which embodies and reproduces the racist and exclusionary logics that precipitated the structural violence against Europe’s Jewish population [5].

The tools that Zionism employs is framing colonialism as a religious conflict, painting Arabs as terrorists, and playing into the trope that criticising Israel is antisemitic. Israel being framed as a Jewish nation is not only harmful to Palestinians whose existence is removed, but also to Jews on whose behalf Israel speaks for, regardless of their own accord[6].

Settler-colonialism is when settlers displace natives and expropriate their land by occupying it to establish a settler-dominated society, often justifying their occupation through at times detailed, complex, draconian laws to ethically disguise their brutality. Israel was created by the Zionist idea that a homeland for Jewish people is necessary by expelling the native inhabitants, the Palestinians. This has turned many Palestinians into refugees or turned natives into settlers[7], being relegated to the margins of their land.

Hendrik Verwoerd, widely known as the ‘architect of apartheid’ in SA, remarked in 1961 that

‘Israel is not consistent in this new anti-apartheid attitude… they took it Israel away from the Arabs after the Arabs had lived there for a thousand years. In that, I agree with them. Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state’. [8]

This is because he could recognise the same system in use in SA being used in Palestine. To make a direct link to apartheid in these two nations: Israel supported SA’s apartheid (which the Black Panther Party has argued that Zionism and apartheid were twin evils of imperialism and colonialism)[9],and PW Botha (prime minister during apartheid SA) purchased weapons from Israel[10]. Apartheid SA also was one of the few African countries to demonstrate support for Israel[11]. Regarding resistance, the African National Congress has had ties to the Palestine Liberation Organisation and ardently supported it. Even Mandela, despite being called into question about ‘rainbowism’[12], once remarked that ‘our freedom is incomplete without the Palestinians’ and that the enemies of Israel were not our enemies[13].

Many have previously drawn attention to the similarities in the Bantustan strategy where natives are relegated to enclosures in SA and Palestine, pass laws and the permit regime to track, control and classify Palestinians, and other semblances of apartheid in both locations[14]. Arab villages are razed to the ground, much like the Group Areas Act in SA where communities were evicted, and houses demolished to make way for European settlements. Mahmood Mamdani, in a paper called ‘The South African Moment’ says that the 1976 Soweto Riots invoke the first intifada in Palestine, that we live in a time where political violence is characterised as criminal violence, and resistance painted as terrorism.

1994 saw the end of apartheid in SA with a miraculous transition (deceptively magical, termed ‘rainbow-nation’ period) to a democracy overnight. Tshepo Madlingozi argues that capitalism and social relations have been filtered through and sustained throughout the transition[15], and colonialism and apartheid trap the forgotten in a state of stasis (this is most of the black majority, with the exclusion of the Black[16]elite who are synonymous with white hegemony) behind the line of progress. Madlingozi’s argument is that we are in a state of neo-apartheid, where the forgotten suffer from a colonisation of time, racial exclusion and are ‘left behind on the bridge to transition to a new South Africa’. This is majority of the black population who are relegated to the margins of the land[17]. Today in SA there are still natives being forcibly removed from their land for ‘illegal occupation’. Whilst true that SA is no longer an apartheid state, the realities of most natives point out that there has not been real change in the transition to a democracy. SA seems to be operating as a democratic state with a two-state solution, where the land has not been given back to natives. Where it differs is that the settlers needed the labour of the natives to create their systems of domination, so they were not eliminated from the land, whereas Zionism expel Arabs from their homeland in the creation of a nation state and did not seek to use the labour of natives[18].

Zionism is synonymous with colonialism  

Fayez Sayegh argues in Zionist Colonialism in Palestine that European colonisation, or what is known as the scramble for Africa stimulated the Zionist colonisation of Palestine in the late 1800s. This was offset by Zionists mimicking the colonial acts of the ‘Gentile nations’ that Jewish people lived in, where there were those who believed they should have a homeland based on religion by driving the existing inhabitants out of their home[19].

According to Sayegh, Zionism is characterised by racism which is not acquired nor accidental but intentional and essential in the making of Israel. This is done through racial self-segregation, exclusiveness, and supremacy: antisemitism and Zionism both base itself on the idea that Jews are a nation, with common characteristics and national identity. Whilst antisemitism is contemptuous towards national characteristics of Jews and Zionism does the opposite— idealises it. Racial segregation laws are what determines ‘apart-ness’ and isolation—these are key features of apartheid. Zionism secularised and nationalised Judaism, using nationalism as a tool for achieving modernity, superiority, and freedom from past Jewish conditions of inferiority and oppression.

Zionism and colonialism both function from disrespect of other cultures’ uses of land holding the racist belief that natives are an uncivilised people who don’t know any better to determine their own realities and are ignorant and backward. Colonisers justified conquest, dispossession, and dehumanisation of native populations on the basis that the latter were savages and uncivilised peoples[20].

The ‘useless realities’ were then turned into ‘orderly, disciplined set of attitudes useful to Europe’[21]. As Said laments, imperialism was the theory, colonialism the practice of changing the uselessly unoccupied territories useful new versions of the European metropolitan society[22]. This is seen in Israel claiming that the land was uninhabited, or that they are ‘making the desert bloom’. In South Africa ‘unoccupied territories’ represented disorder and resources to be exploited, and the prospect of a racially exclusive homeland for Jews on Palestinian land.

The Construction of Zionism

Noura Erakat provides the theory that Zionism was created by ‘exclusionary and orientalist tropes that produced antisemitism in Europe’ and demonstrates how this was carried about[23]. To provide a short summary, this is done by Zionists not challenging discriminatory laws that prevented them from assimilation in western European culture and instead internalised the exclusionary ethos, establishing an ethno-national model of Jew who was white and European. The expulsion of Muslims and Jews from Spain meant that eastern European Jews were associated with orientalist tropes[24] and this brought up questions as to whether oriental attributes were inherent to Jews. Erakat states that there were then processes to de-orientalise the Jew imposed by Christians, making Jewish belonging in Europe dependant on cleansing their ‘otherness’. The east/west split was made prevalent when Jews from the west were placed in contact with unwesternised Jews. Zionism modelled itself on the idea of white European Jew, so this meant that middle eastern Jews and eastern European Jews were forced to cleanse themselves of their Arab identity in Israel. Arab Jews had to choose between their culture and their religion, which now synonymised Jewishness with Europeanness. Nationality is based on religion, which means that Israel’s Muslim Palestinian and Christian populations are juridically discriminated against, made legitimate by absurd law.

The makings of Israel which operated through racial capitalism is further demonstrated by the need of Ashkenazi Jews to employ labour of non-Ashkenazis. Erakat mentions that Mizrahi Jews were brought in by Israel as they sought to exploit their labour, which made them economically excluded but nationally included. Palestinians were made inferior just like Mizrahi Jews (some Mizrahi Jews had racially identified as black because of the discrimination they faced from Ashkenazi Jews), and sometimes were not distinguishable from Palestinians. This caused some of them to align with Palestinians, and a group of them aligned to form the Israeli Black Panthers[25]. The Israeli Panthers once remarked that Zionism was false consciousness as it caused Arab Jews to align with the state of Israel and, by extension Ashkenazi European Jews over working-class Palestinians, an embrace of racial capitalism and eurocentrism.

One of the founders of the Israeli Black Panthers commented that Jews from Morocco did not come to Morocco but were coerced by Zionist forces to create insecurity for Jews in Arab lands[26]. Mizrahi Jews were also placed at the outlines of the state where there were fewer jobs and greater risk of conflict with Palestinians, had better material conditions than them and knew that their political and economic situation would worsen if they associated with Palestinians. Arab Jews in Israel embody a complicated position of colonised and coloniser.

Instead of drawing a complete parallel in similarity to SA, I will illustrate the resemblances of colonialism between these Mizrahi and indentured labourers as I do not want to suggest that the comparison is directly simple and saturated, whilst determining colonialism as the common enemy— indentured labour was introduced into South Africa because the colonisers wanted to import labour, much like Yemeni Jews were introduced because Ashkenazi Jews sought to outsource labour by exploiting those they saw as less valuable in the makings of racialised labour in Palestinian Jewish communities[27], as well as Mizrahi Jews to do the work Ashkenazi Jews did not want to do. Whilst indentured labourers in SA were included in the oppressed category, they were a tool for the apartheid government in creating divisions in several ways.  

Apartheid strategically created easier access to opportunities in each racial category to fragment collective Black resistance. Anti-apartheid activist Fatima Meer argues that indentured labour was introduced to weaken the bargaining power of black Africans by importing a foreign labour source[28]. Like the indigenous population of Guyana where indentured labour was also introduced by colonisers, the labourers have a belonging to the land that is grounded in labour[29], whilst simultaneously displacing natives (Indians, later on, were seen to take the role of oppressors of black people in SA. The reasons for this may have its roots in the caste system being imported into Africa in the creation of anti-blackness in SA for instance, or that factionalism was imposed by the colonisers through the hierarchy of the apartheid system. Andy Clarno states that in Guyana the Creole population who were indentured displaced natives, though if the labourers were brought there of their own will, it is arguable as to if this is the same displacement that settler-colonisers occupy). Whilst the apartheid state in SA created divisions based on race, Indian and coloured people had in law[30]been given slightly more accessibility in accessing human rights, and the racial hierarchies created fragmentation in the Black community. Black people were placed at the bottom of the pyramid in society. (This is different to the Palestinian/Mizrahi relationship because Palestinians were excluded nationally and economically from Israel altogether[31]— but the tools of colonialism were similar here in creating divisions between the oppressed whilst using labour of an external group to turn the oppressed against each other).

The discrimination of Arab and Mizrahi Jews tied to the construction of Zionism and racial capitalism further demonstrates that Israel’s ethno-nationalist project is an extension of racist European colonialism. The Israeli Panthers contended that humanity was awarded to the Ashkenazi Jews who discriminated against them, breaking with Zionism and siding with the Palestinians, saying that the struggles of Mizrahi and Arabs were intertwined.

It is true what Patrick Wolfe says: islamophobia, antisemitism, xenophobia and negrophobia are all creations of the west[32]. Echoing Sayegh, the cause of anti-colonialism and liberation is one and indivisible. Or, put differently by Martin Luther King: ‘injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are tied together in a single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable network of mutuality. And whatever effects one directly affects all indirectly.’[33]

Afro-Arab intercommunal geographies of liberation

Alex Lubin reveals key points about Afro-Arab solidarity through the Black panther party and the Palestine Liberation Organisation’s joint vision that further demonstrates unification against a common enemy in both African colonies and Palestine, which I will briefly outline here. The Afro-Arab conference of 1967 linked Zionism against Palestinians to apartheid policies against black South Africans, calling for a national liberation to condemn neo-colonialism, apartheid, and all forms of racial segregation in SA, Palestine, and all Arab and African territories. They also drafted a statement that called Palestine and African liberation movements as ‘joint afro-Arab causes’. PLO leader Yasser Arafat denounced the alliance formed between SA, Zimbabwe, and Israel, saying ‘our struggle is inseparable from your struggle’.

The PLO imagined a community that was ‘dispersed globally’ and made prevalent the similarity in struggle of the Palestinians and colonial nations. They saw the Black Panther Party as comrades in struggle for transnational liberation. The Panthers viewed Israel’s colonialism as US imperialism and saw ghettoes as spatialised and similarities of colonialism in different nations, unifying and transcending into a solidarity based on place, allowing this to strengthening anti-colonial revolt.

Through this joint vision, Palestine became an important space that was geographically linked to third world internationalism and intercommunalism. The Black Panther’s vision of ‘intercommunalism’ fought for an international liberation movement against racial capitalism and empire rather than localised issues of racism and capitalism, which allowed for resistance in many localities that were suffering colonial domination.

This political imaginary, through the recognition in the shared nature of imperial struggle and racial capitalism geographically links colonised locations created a liberation geography outside and beyond the borders that colonialism has drawn, a transnational movement. As Lubin has said, what the Black Panthers did that was important was frame this as not a Jewish/Arab conflict but one of racial capitalism and imperialism. The Panther’s agenda of ‘intercommunalism’ defies colonial space-time, as it allows one space to exist in another, and weaves similarities between oppressive regimes around the world.

It is by this extension that I would locate the struggle of Palestinians to the struggle of South Africa’s. The Black communities of SA that are relegated to the margins of society in dealing with the neoliberal apartheid order, who are left behind on the bridge to transformation are facing similar struggles to Palestinians. Racism against Arabs functions on the same logic that anti-black racism in SA functions. Geographies of liberation locates the margins as everywhere in the south where resistance is established and allows the potential to mobilise transnationally, and this ties the neo-liberal democracy that SA is facing to the Palestinian struggle, and to anti-colonial struggles resisting domination everywhere in the Global South.

Invoking the Afro-Arab conference more recently, activists from 21 African countries gathered to co-ordinate a continent-wide movement that called for the liberation of Palestine[34]. It was reportedly said that there are unbreakable bonds between Africa and Palestine, and that there is a shared history of colonialism and occupation that they have faced which Palestinians are now facing.

Both Arabs and Africans are and have been racially discriminated against and made inferior by this system of apartheid. Looking at it transnationally, Erakat and Hill also bring up the question of race relations and anti-blackness in Afro-Arab solidarity, not just in Palestine but in the diaspora and in other nations. They mention that the liberation of Palestine is not just one that features racism, but one that is against racism. Frank Wilderson III is quoted in Erakat and Hill:


“yeah, we’re going to help you get rid of Israel, but the moment that you set up your shit we’re going to be right there to jack you up, because anti-Blackness is as important and necessary to the formation of Arab psychic life as it is to the formation of Jewish psychic life.”[35]
The dismantling of anti-Blackness would be part and parcel of the liberation for Palestine as anti-Blackness is the coloniser’s tools.

Conclusion

Settler-decolonisation means that the relation between coloniser and colonised would need to be remade for co-habitation: power, domination, exploitation, and colonial tools of subjugation would have to be discarded to restore indigenous sovereignty to natives[36]. This would also mean subverting the oriental tropes that made Jews outsiders in Europe[37]. Peace between Israel and Palestine can only happen on assertion of the historical rights of Palestinians. Settler-decolonisation, in the dismantling of the tools of oppression would also encompass all Jews who have suffered from racialised exclusion and subordination to benefit from it.

There are lessons to be extracted from SA’s transition to democracy, namely that our post-apartheid outcome was a Truth and Reconciliation Commission which involved victims and perpetrators but not everyday citizens[38]. Reconciliation and restorative justice were promoted over socio-economic restitution for most natives. Settlers would have to remake their identity to contend what it means to be African and white, and this involves giving up power and privilege. As said by Mamdani, the creation of ‘native’ and ‘settler’ is an invention of colonialism, and a settler cannot become a native if this power dynamic exists[39]. This flawed democracy reveals that the natives need to be given their land back, and in the case that settlers do stay it would be on the terms that the land belongs to the natives.

In this essay I have illustrated how Israel is an extension of European colonisation, and that establishing solidarity of liberation by countries that have suffered similarly at the hands of Europe allow us to create a geography of liberation and resistance. I suggest that the outcomes of SA’s fragile democracy can offer answers in settler-decolonisation.

REFERENCES

Clarno, A. Neoliberal apartheid: Palestine/Israel and South Africa after 1994. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2017.

Dadoo, S. The pan-African fight against Israeli apartheid. The New Arab, 2022. Online: https://english.alaraby.co.uk/analysis/pan-african-fight-against-israeli-apartheid.

Darwish, M., & Antoon, S. In the Presence of Absence. Steerforth Press. 2012.

Erakat, N.,‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31, 2015.

Erakat, N. and Hill, M., Black-Palestinian Transnational Solidarity: Renewals, Returns, and Practice. Journal of Palestine Studies, 48(4), pp.7-16, 2019.

King Jr, Martin Luther. Letter from Birmingham jail. UC Davis L. Rev. 26 (1992): 835.

Lubin, A. Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary. Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014.

Madlingozi, T. Social justice in a time of neo-apartheid constitutionalism : Critiquing the anti-black economy of recognition, incorporation and distribution. Stellenbosch Law Review, 28(1), 2017. 123-147.

Mamdani, M. The South African Moment. Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. 45, no. 1 (177), (2015), pp. 63–68.

Mamdani, M. Amnesty or Impunity? A Preliminary Critique of the Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC). Diacritics, 32(3/4), 2002. 33-59.

Mamdani, M. Citizen and subject: Contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. 1996.

Meer, F. Indentured labour and group formations in apartheid society. Race &Amp; Class, 26(4), (1985) p45-60.

Said, E., Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims, Social Text, 1.1, 7–58. 1979.

Sayegh, F. Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, Settler Colonial Studies, 2.1 (2012), p206–225.

Shoki, W. Israel and Palestine: The South African alternative. Africasacountry.com, 2019. Online: https://africasacountry.com/2019/04/israel-and-palestine-the-south-african-alternative.

Wolfe, P. Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8.4 (2006), p387–409.

Xaba, W. Challenging Fanon: A Black radical feminist perspective on violence and the Fees Must Fall movement. Agenda (Durban), 31(3-4), (2017). p96-104.

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[1] M. Darwish., & S. Antoon, In the Presence of Absence. Steerforth Press, 2012. p129. I think that this line speaks to the situation in Palestine and SA.

[2] E. Said., Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims, Social Text, 1.1, 1979. 7–58.

[3] T. Madlingozi. Social justice in a time of neo-apartheid constitutionalism: Critiquing the anti-black economy of recognition, incorporation, and distribution. Stellenbosch Law Review, 28(1), 2017. 123-147.



[4] A. Lubin., Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014.

[5]N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31. 2015. p74

[6]N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31 2015. p74.

[7] M. Mamdani Citizen and subject: Contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. 1996. Mahmood Mamdani argues that there is an inversion of settlers into natives as they become outsiders on their own land.

[8] Hendrik Verwoerd quoted in Lubin, A.Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014. p3.

[9]A. Lubin., Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014.  p125

[10] W. Shoki, Israel and Palestine: The South African alternative. Africasacountry.com, 2019. Online: https://africasacountry.com/2019/04/israel-and-palestine-the-south-african-alternative.

[11] A. Lubin., Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014. p125

[12] The idea that we are a rainbow nation of people without dealing with inequalities of the past, as discussed by W. Xaba. Challenging Fanon: A Black radical feminist perspective on violence and the Fees Must Fall movement. Agenda (Durban), 31(3-4), (2017). 96-104.



[13] Mandela speaking on Palestine (extracts from youtube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i5TiUhhm7cQ), 2013.

[14] A. Clarno. Neoliberal apartheid: Palestine/Israel and South Africa after 1994. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2017. p4



[15] T. Madlingozi. Social justice in a time of neo-apartheid constitutionalism : Critiquing the anti-black economy of recognition, incorporation and distribution. Stellenbosch Law Review, 28(1), 2017. 123-147. Madlingozi borrows this from Leonard Gentile

[16] I am using the Black consciousness definition of black to mean blacks, Indians and coloureds in SA.

[17] Natives are estimated to occupy around 33 percent of the land.

[18] N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31 (2015), 69.

Erakat mentions that around 750 000 Palestinians were expelled whose descendants make up around 6.6 million.

[19] F. Sayegh., Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, Settler Colonial Studies, 2.1 (2012), 206–225.



[20] T. Madlingozi. Social justice in a time of neo-apartheid constitutionalism : Critiquing the anti-black economy of recognition, incorporation and distribution. Stellenbosch Law Review, 28(1), 2017. 123-147.



[21] E. Said., Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims, Social Text, 1.1, 1979. p78.

[22] Ibid.

[23]  N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31. 2015.

[24]  Ibid., p75

[25]A. Lubin., Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014.

[26]Interview in the above. 

[27]A. Lubin., Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014, p131

[28] F. Meer., Indentured labour and group formations in apartheid society. Race &Amp; Class, 26(4), (1985) 45-60.

[29] Lubin, A. Geographies of liberation: The making of an afro-arab political imaginary.Chapter 4: The Black Panthers and the PLO., University of North Carolina Press,  2014.

[30] Indian and coloured people were given more access in certain regards, however it is not so simple to make a wide-sweeping claim in apartheid’s racial categories, as there are people racialised as coloured and Indian who, economically could be racialised as black, constituting the ghettoes of the Group Areas assigned to them under apartheid for who economic mobility has not guaranteed their security. For instance, a racial category such as ‘indian’ did not distinguish between those who came as indentured labourers and those who had come voluntarily as wealthy merchants, or those who had generational wealth and those who did not and may have left India for varying reasons other than indenture.

[31] N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31 (2015)

[32] P. Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native, Journal of Genocide Research, 8.4. 2006. p387–409.



[33] M.L. King Jr. Letter from Birmingham jail. UC Davis L. Rev. 26. 1992. p835.

[34] S. Dadoo. The pan-African fight against Israeli apartheid. The New Arab, 2022. Online: https://english.alaraby.co.uk/analysis/pan-african-fight-against-israeli-apartheid.



[35] N. Erakat and M. Hill, Black-Palestinian Transnational Solidarity: Renewals, Returns, and Practice. Journal of Palestine Studies, 48(4), 2019. p.7-16.



[36]N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31 2015, p100

[37]  N.Erakat, ‘Whiteness as Property in Israel: Revival, Rehabilitation, and Removal’, Harvard Journal on Racial & Ethnic Justice, 31, 2015.



[38] M. Mamdani., Amnesty or Impunity? A Preliminary Critique of the Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC). Diacritics, 32(3/4), 2002. p33-59.



[39] M. Mamdani., The South African Moment. Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. 45, no. 1 (177). 2015. p. 63–68.